- If Kejriwal takes the helm in Punjab, it could be seen as a strategic move to solidify AAP’s presence outside of Delhi, potentially expanding their influence in North India. This could energize the party base and attract more voters under the banner of AAP’s governance model.
- Kejriwal’s direct involvement might accelerate the implementation of AAP’s signature policies in Punjab, like education and health reforms, which have been popular in Delhi.
- This could position AAP more assertively on the national stage, challenging both BJP and Congress in upcoming elections.
In a move that could redefine the political landscape of Punjab and shake the foundations of the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP), the only way in which Arvind Kejriwal can counter the BJP central leadership is to take over as the Chief Minister of Punjab. If such a dramatic shift were to materialize, it would mark a seismic realignment in the state’s governance, transforming Punjab into Kejriwal’s new battlefield to counter the BJP’s growing influence in the region and revive his party’s fortunes.
“Ever since AAP stormed to power in Punjab in 2022 with an overwhelming majority, the party has struggled to maintain its grip over the state. The Bhagwant Mann-led government, despite initial promise, has faced serious setbacks—ranging from administrative inefficiencies to law-and-order crises. A string of controversies, including corruption allegations, infighting, and the ever-increasing pressure from the BJP and Congress, has left AAP’s Punjab unit vulnerable.”
The party’s performance in the upcoming Lok Sabha elections could determine its long-term viability. If AAP loses ground, Kejriwal may have no choice but to step in directly to salvage his party’s declining stature. With Punjab being the only state where AAP has full control, Kejriwal taking over as CM could be the ultimate survival strategy to prevent AAP from fading into political oblivion.
AAP has long positioned itself as an alternative to both the Congress and the BJP. However, with the BJP’s aggressive expansion in Punjab—bolstered by defections from Congress and Shiromani Akali Dal—AAP finds itself cornered. By assuming the chief ministerial post, Kejriwal could establish a stronger foothold in Punjab and directly take on BJP’s national leadership.
“Unlike Delhi, where the Lieutenant Governor—backed by the BJP-led Centre—poses a constant challenge to his authority, Punjab would offer Kejriwal direct control over the state police and bureaucracy. This could allow him to push his governance model more aggressively, curb political opposition using the state’s machinery, and challenge the BJP’s narrative without interference from the Centre.”
In Delhi, Kejriwal’s biggest hurdle has been the lack of control over law enforcement. With Punjab’s police directly under him, he would gain a strategic advantage in cracking down on criminal networks, political opponents, and BJP-backed disruptions. While this could lead to decisive governance, critics fear that AAP may misuse this power to silence dissent and settle political scores.
The recent crackdowns on opposition leaders across India—where ED and CBI raids have become a norm—have raised questions about the misuse of government machinery. So its not new anymore but a normal practice.
While Kejriwal remains AAP’s face and driving force, Punjab has a unique political identity. Bhagwant Mann, despite his flaws, enjoys mass appeal. AAP’s core support base in Punjab may resist an outsider replacing Mann.
“A shift of leadership in Punjab would not come without its set of challenges. Kejriwal would have to navigate complex regional dynamics, including Punjab’s agrarian concerns, deep-rooted political rivalries, and the volatile issue of Sikh identity politics. The recent farmer protests, which played a significant role in shaping the state’s political mood, have kept Punjab on edge. Any miscalculation in handling these issues could lead to mass unrest.”
Additionally, Kejriwal would need to demonstrate that he can deliver governance beyond his education and healthcare models, which worked in Delhi but might require extensive restructuring in Punjab. Issues such as drug abuse, unemployment, and the state’s massive debt burden will demand immediate attention.
On the other hand, if Kejriwal successfully implements his governance model in Punjab, he could create a powerful narrative ahead of the 2029 general elections. A well-governed Punjab could serve as a showcase for AAP’s ambitions of expanding its footprint beyond Delhi and Punjab, positioning itself as a national alternative to BJP and Congress.
“If Kejriwal takes over as Punjab CM, the national ramifications would be significant. The BJP, which has been working tirelessly to dismantle AAP’s influence, would see this as an existential threat. The Centre could escalate its use of central agencies against Kejriwal and his close aides, intensifying the political battle.”
Furthermore, Congress, which still has a strong presence in Punjab, would also react strategically. Any infighting within AAP over this leadership transition could create an opening for Congress to reclaim lost ground. The Shiromani Akali Dal, though weakened, could also use this development to reinvent itself as the voice of Punjab’s regional identity.
If Kejriwal does take over Punjab’s reins, it will be a defining moment in Indian politics. While it could strengthen AAP’s hold and pose a direct challenge to the BJP, it also risks alienating Punjab’s electorate. The success or failure of such a move would depend on how effectively Kejriwal balances governance, party management, and electoral strategy.
The coming weeks will be crucial in determining whether this remains mere political speculation or turns into a reality that reshapes Punjab’s future and, possibly, India’s broader political landscape.
