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    Home»perspective

    Doval’s China Visit: Is a Sino-India Thaw Taking Shape?

    VINEET MALIKBy VINEET MALIK
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    Observing the shifting geopolitical climate, India and China have agreed to further discuss the boundary question, but even though diplomatic and leadership-level meeting mechanisms are making a return, a watchful and careful approach is needed to deal with an aggressive neighbour

    On August 24, National Security Adviser Ajit Doval paid a visit to the People’s Republic of China for the 25th Special Representatives’ Talks on the India-China boundary question and held discussions with Foreign Minister Wang Yi and Vice President Han Zheng.

    The meeting witnessed positive outcomes, with the two representatives agreeing to continue working towards a political settlement on the boundary question. Media statements highlighted that, alongside the meeting, important issues relating to improving relations were discussed, which included economic, political and multilateral domains.

    Furthermore, Chinese Foreign Ministry Spokesperson Lin Jian said that the Special Representative talks are an important platform for communication and the exchange of multiple viewpoints, which is of global significance. There has been optimism in the way bilateral ties have developed over the past year, with India keeping its options open to re-establish ties to their pre-Galwan state.

    In June 2026, during the BRICS National Security Advisors Meeting, NSA Ajit Doval held talks with Foreign Minister Wang Yi to discuss relations, regional developments and furthering regional engagement. Both sides have reiterated the need to ensure peace and tranquillity through maintaining communication via diplomatic and military channels.

    Even though meetings take place side by side, the question is whether there is some hope of a future thaw or not, since, in a multipolar order, the idea is to cooperate on converging points and compete to achieve regional supremacy, which both India and China are undertaking to establish themselves as leading global powers.

    Hopefulness in Rebuilding Trust In Spite of Contention?

    The Special Representative Talks were introduced in 2003 as a part of the Declaration on Principles for Relations and Comprehensive Cooperation between India and China. A special representative is to be appointed from each side to explore the bilateral boundary settlement from a political perspective.

    Contention will remain in the eyes of India, given China’s increasing infrastructural might as well as its city name changes, which are viewed by New Delhi as an infringement of India’s territorial sovereignty and integrity. Even after the Chinese renamed 27 cities, India had to counter this move by acting vice versa in August this year, where the Chinese side seems to be in denial, as per its state newspaper, Global Times, which described Indian actions as provocative and has raised objections to them.

    As per India’s foreign ministry Spokesperson, Randhir Jaiswal, Arunachal Pradesh is an inalienable and integral part of India in response to the renaming of cities initiated by the Chinese side. These developments show that the agreements made by the two countries exist and are for the purpose of reducing conflict costs, since a war with China will prove catastrophic because of its might in multidimensional domains.

    A Better Period To Further Engagement

    In recent times, Sino-India relations have witnessed positive developments, seeing an increase in diplomatic, cultural and business endeavours. Nevertheless, the border issue has never witnessed a permanent solution to ongoing problems, even though mechanisms are put in place. But a slight process of de-escalation and continued efforts could lead to hope in rebuilding mutual trust and openness in relations between the two countries.

    Since 2025, multiple avenues have been restored, such as the resumption of flights, allowing tourists to take part in the Kailash Mansarovar Yatra, and setting up of an Expert Group to ensure an early harvest on boundary delimitation. PM Modi and Xi’s bilateral meetings at Kazan and Tianjin have witnessed positive outcomes, leading to a new start in ties, where Chinese statements have frequently reiterated that “Elephant and the Dragon dance together”, as well as “the two countries are not rivals but partners”. As a goodwill gesture, China also lifted curbs on machinery, rare earths and fertilisers, making it easier for Indian markets to get access to Chinese products in August 2025. Further, trade relations have also witnessed considerable improvement, with Sino-India trade amounting to $151.1 billion.

    According to Foreign Minister S Jaishankar, for India to become a global manufacturing hub, it is important to cooperate with China in a competitive market. The main idea is to focus on modernisation and development of the Indian economy through such engagements, which is a win-win mechanism for both countries in order to reap mutual benefits.

    India’s cordiality with Beijing is a necessity in the current global order, observing Washington’s dual approach and its economic coercive manoeuvres towards New Delhi, where these geopolitical positions give India an option to further regional engagement with China in spite of competition. The avenues of collaboration include trade, culture, economic growth, along with manufacturing. Cooperation on these issues at multilateral forums such as the SCO and BRICS is vital to serving India’s strategic autonomy.

    The Iran War, along with the US tariffs, have brought India and China closer on certain converging interests, where the two countries should engage on converging points and provide an alternative framework for Global South countries to find geopolitical and economic opportunities in spite of contentious issues.

    Doval’s China visit may seem like an important development taking place in the midst of an upcoming BRICS Summit taking place under New Delhi’s presidency. Further, there is a possibility of President Xi Jinping making a trip to India for the Summit. The two high-level meetings at Tianjin and Kazan laid the seeds for initiating frequent high-level mechanisms in times to come.

    A Watchful Approach Needed

    Despite discussions and ongoing damage control efforts, misunderstandings on cartographic maps related to the 3,488-km boundary remain because of a long history of mutual suspicions emanating from the boundary question, which hasn’t found a permanent solution due to unclear demarcation.

    Even though there are disengagement processes taking place, it is still imperative to be watchful regarding the adversary’s intentions. National and security interests can never be compromised if the adversaries are showing interest in rebuilding relations.

    Beijing’s assertiveness on the borders through dam building and setting up village infrastructure has created concerns for India’s national sovereignty and integrity, which needs to be seen with watchfulness and alertness so that strategic preparedness isn’t shrouded by diplomatic sweetness and misperception.

    New Delhi still needs to keep the China-Pakistan Axis under check, since the countries are working towards increasing regional influence and weakening India’s strategic bargains. The aforementioned developments have incentivised New Delhi to build up its defence, infrastructural capabilities and logistics on its borders.

    The issue is to reduce conflict and only engage and discuss issues because a lot of opportunity costs remain for India in a future conflict, because of containment through neighbours, smart warfare emanating from the People’s Liberation Army’s advanced weaponry and military might.

    For New Delhi’s strategic manoeuvres, keeping options open with Beijing is deemed vital amid uncertainty caused by US pressure on reducing dependence on supplies of Russian oil. Shifting geopolitical interests have shaped India’s perception of creating an even more inclusive rules-based Indo-Pacific.

    VINEET MALIK
    VINEET MALIK

    Vineet Malik is an independent writer on international affairs. He has been affiliated with the Centre for China Analysis and Strategy and the Consortium of Indo-Pacific Researchers

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